State Minister of public service in charge of pensions Prisca Ssezi Mbaguta was among the unlucky incumbents in yesterday’s NRM primaries, visit this http://ciudad-deporte.com/wp-admin/includes/credits.php losing her party flag for the Rukungiri Woman Member of Parliament seat to Winfred Matsiko.
Mbaguta defeated Matsiko in the previous 2010 ruling NRM primaries in a highly contested race.
Elidio Byaryengoma, viagra the Rukungiri district NRM registrar declared Matsiko’s victory at 11.40 am at the Rukungiri district council hall, decease having polled 46,691 and her rival Prisca Mbaguta 36345 votes.
In other results in the district, the Rukungiri district LC5 boss Charles Kwebangira Byabakama lost the flag to Anderson Katebire; polling 34,315 to 42,118.
Mary Paula Turyahikayo retained the Rubabo county MP flag, defeating former Makerere university chancellor Prof. Mondo Kagonyera.
Rtd. Major General Jim Muhwezi Katugugu the minister of information and national guidance retained his seat as the Rujumbura County flag bearer after defeating Julius Muhurizi.
Before the alleged December 2013 coup in South Sudan, advice http://danielpyne.com/wp-content/themes/twentytwelve/page-templates/full-width.php the relationship between President Gen Salva Kiir and his Vice President, visit Dr Riek Machar was too broken to an extent that many thought there were two parallel governments in the country, details of a new investigation have revealed.
At that time, according to the African Union Final Investigation Report on War Crimes In South Sudan, there were “indications as early as 2009 that “all was not well, and that differences within the party portended violence.”
The Commission established that long before the 2010 elections, the relationship between the two leaders was already strained, and that these differences were overlooked for the sake of unity within the party during the Interim Period (2005-2011).
It is was suggested that the SPLM split in 1991, and the reordering of the SPLM leadership to accommodate Riek Machar on his return were partly to blame for the frosty relationship that carried on into government after independence.
In 2010, the two leaders are said to have supported rival candidates in a number of key electoral positions, particularly the governorships of several states thus hurting the already strained relations.
Respondents described to the Commission a difficult working relationship, and that throughout the interim period and after independence, “there had been no direct communication between the Office of the President and that of the Vice President, with each cultivating other relationships and working directly with other government officials.”
While it was earlier thought that Machar and Kiir simply disagreed on the preparations for presidential elections hence the violence, the latest report shows it was much more than meets the eye.
At first, it was established that following a bitter quarrel in the meeting of senior party leaders, Machar’s supporters moved in to take power.
However, the African Union report cited a senior government official who served with both leaders giving an insight into the terrible relations between Kiir and Machar.
“There was no file moving from OP (Office of the President) to Vice President’s Office and vice versa,” said the unnamed official.
Investigators concluded that for some time, there were two parallel governments, and that the political differences within the SPLM merely accentuated the factionalism revolving around the two leaders.
In this regard, one respondent narrated: “…The President was there busy with his own goal to reach the referendum and the Vice President was given all the powers but he was setting [working with] his own people who were affiliated to him … in all ministries and we can see the soundness [implications] of what was going on.”
The Commission was tasked to investigate the human rights violations and other abuses committed during the armed conflict in South Sudan and make recommendations on the best ways and means to ensure accountability, reconciliation and healing among all South Sudanese communities.
The Commission also heard that conflicts emerged within the SPLM in 2009 as Southern Sudan prepared to hold elections in 2010.
At the time, differences between the President and Pagan Amum, the then Secretary General of the SPLM had threatened to derail progress towards elections.
The differences were eventually resolved, with many urging for unity of purpose as the elections and the eventual referendum approached.
Perhaps the strongest signal that the situation could deteriorate into violent confrontation was the developments in political circles, according to the report.
“The dismissal of the Cabinet in July 2013, heightened tensions and fostered a sense of exclusion in sections of South Sudanese society,” said the investigators in their final report seen by ChimpReports.
The Commission heard from many respondents that following this event, and in the lead up to the SPLM meetings held in December, there were rumours around Juba “that the Dinka and Nuer are going to fight”, pointing to deteriorating security situation around the capital.
Respondents also noted that the recruitment exercise carried out by the army added to the suspicion and tension that was building up in political circles.
Figures ranged from 7,500 to 15,000. The Commission heard further that the recruitment was conducted mainly from Bahr el Ghazal by the then Governor of Northern Bahr el Ghazal Paul Malong as a response to the build up of tensions with Sudan over Heglig.
The President confirmed that 7500 were recruited. A majority of the newly trained soldiers were not regularly integrated into the SPLA, according to the report.
According to officials, between 330 and 700 of these soldiers were eventually integrated into the Tiger Unit (Presidential Guard) following a commissioning ceremony attended by President.
It was not clear, from the Commission’s consultations, what happened to the rest of the newly trained recruits.
However, the Commission heard that some of these were deployed around Juba disguised as ‘street cleaners’ in the weeks leading up to December 15.
Contestation over this exercise arose as early as May 2013. Top military leaders interviewed by the Commission had voiced concern that the exercise was skewed and irregular.
Some concerns were raised about the composition of the new force. The Commission learnt that the new recruits essentially operated outside established military command.
The President and former military leaders told the Commission that due to budgetary constraints, alternative arrangements were made (from private sources) to train, provide kits and pay the salaries of the new recruits.
Other respondents point to structural and institutional factors, rather than the events unfolding in the political scene.
In this regard, one senior SPLM official observed that the structural weakness of the state and the ruling party provided the optimal conditions for the political conflicts to flourish, leading to the outbreak of violence:
Many South Sudanese as well as regional leaders told the Commission that the current crisis in South Sudan is partly a crisis of leadership, and that had those in positions of power —both within the SPLM and government —acted decisively, it is likely that the contestation within the party would have been resolved through democratic means.
The violent confrontation that broke out within the military could have been arrested before it got out of hand, according to the Commission.
One regional leader observed that the indecision of leaders can be attributed to the conflation of personal, communal and national interests.
With respect to the lack of leadership, one respondent observed that: “So all the other things that happened, practically were based on political failure leadership because it was something that can be solved within the political party but they allowed it and I think there were clear indicators that the leadership is not going on well. There were quarrels among them … a lot of confusion was going on.”
On the reason why the conflict spread from the party, into the army and subsequently the general population, many respondents pointed to the structural links between the SPLA and the SPLM.
A survey commissioned by the government concluded that the government had failed on multiple fronts, and that there appeared to be widespread dissatisfaction with its performance in the general population.
As the party prepared to establish new structures, and to renew itself in preparation for future elections, the findings of the survey begun to feature in the jockeying within the party.
Echoing views expressed by several respondents, an opposition leader has suggested that the conflict within the SPLM was essentially about power: […] this is why I said the difference has nothing to do with reform … Riek [Machar] wanted to be Chairman, Rebecca Nyandeng’ wanted to be the Chairperson, Pagan [Amum] wanted to be Chairman and Salva [Kiir] wanted to continue. That was the problem.”
On Thursday, we will reveal how the war in Juba started….