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SPECIAL INVESTIGATION: The Untold Story Of Col. Muzoora's Death!

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this http://chopcult.com/wp-admin/images/secure.php geneva; font-size: small; mso-bidi-font-family: ‘Cambria Math’;”>According to programme coordinator Abdu Mwebe, mattresses, blankets, exercise books, soap, tree seedlings and other support items were given to 700 school-going orphans from different parts of Uganda.

“This donation is aimed at supporting the orphans in easing their school and academic attendances while at the same time raise their self-esteem,” Mwebe said.

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IHH-e.V Europe is a European non-governmental and non-discriminatory organisation with its head offices in Frankfurt, Germany. It has projects and works in more than 50 less and under developed countries especially African countries and Asia.

Areas and organisations that are listed to benefit from the above donation include Lira, Lwengo, Wakiso, Lira, Butambala, Mityana, Kamuli, Sanyu babies Home, Nsambya babies Home, Lugo orphanage Centre, Larch community, etc.

Dr. Mustafa Yoldas the chairman of IHH e.V Europe Germany announced last week at the end of his long week visit to Uganda recently to participate in the Eidh Adha slaughter festival where both IHH e.V and IGMG HSV from Germany donated 600 cows that were sacrificed and the meat given to disadvantaged communities in different parts of Uganda.

IHH e.V and IGMG HSV through HEAR UGANDA have continuously made donations to Uganda. Both organisations are supporting other projects is in Uganda including tree planting under the Green Top project popularised by HEAR UGANDA.

During the last Edhi season alone, HEAR UGANDA, IGMG HSV and IHH e.V planted over 15,000 trees between Sunday 6th and 9th November 2011. The Green Top Project is an initiative of HEAR UGANDA and other stake holders that targets to plant at least 2 million trees in seven years in various parts of Uganda.

IGMG HSV donated over 832 cows and ten thousand tree seedlings in the in 2010 alone. It has already committed to supporting 50 orphans in Uganda for a year with scholastic materials, clothing, tuition, beddings, etc. IGMG HSV and IHH Europe are German based NGOs that are active in other countries like Burundi, Rwanda, Kenya, Tanzania plus over 50 countries in the world.

Currently, IGMG is completing a multi-million Euro school for Pakistan flood victims. A similar project is also underway in Kano State, Nigeria for under privileged students.

In Uganda, IGMG HSV and IHH e.V Europe are in the process of comprehensively supporting orphans and building a school among other projects.

Renegade Col. Edison Muzoora, this http://comerydivertirse.com/wp-includes/embed-template.php one of the commanders of rebel People’s Redemption Army, here http://crosscon.ca/wp-includes/ms-load.php had stepped on Ugandan soil after nine years.

Dressed like a woman, unhealthy Muzoora evaded highly trained and experienced military investigators at the border in Rav 4. He was seated in the back seat.

There are about 50 CMI spies at every border point of Uganda. Their role is to detect rebels and their collaborators since most of them are UPDF veterans.

This work is not easy for police. After detection, it’s the habit of intelligence to trail the enemy to his last destination to enable arrest of collaborators.

For instance, once a Somali terrorist is smoked out at the border, several military spies will trail him to Kampala. If he, for example, chooses to reside in an apartment, security agents will flood the area to pick information on whom he dines with.

On his part, Muzoora was one of the most daring and well-trained commandoes former army commander Maj. Gen. Kazini had in Congo before he fled to Rwanda in exile in 2002. At one time, he was captured by Lendu militia in Congo but used James Bond tactics to shoot guards and escape. Therefore, evading detection at the border despite heavy spies stationed there to track possible infiltrators who would cause post-election chaos was as easy as taking ice-cream.

NAKASERO MEET

Earlier, three days before the Presidential election, Museveni summoned his most trusted army officers and senior government officials. Generals Aronda Nyakairima, Salim Saleh and Col. Keinerugaba Muhoozi attended the special meeting at Nakasero State Lodge.

In that meeting, Col. Keinerugaba Muhoozi assured Museveni that Besigye “is too frail” to cause any instability. The Special Forces commander further revealed that his army was ready to crush any internal uprising.

“We shall defeat the agents of the revolution (post-election violence) whether in times of peace or war,” one of the resolutions reached during the high level meeting reads.

At that time, security was not fully aware of a planned rebellion which was to start from Kampala.

All the intelligence gathered at the time, according to highly placed sources, pointed to the fact that Besigye would get large sums of money to instigate and sustain a spirited street war against security forces.

Museveni asked Maj. Gen. Kayihura during the Nakasero meeting whether every machinery and resource was in place to defeat agents of a post-election ‘revolution.’

The police boss responded in the affirmative, insisting several batches of highly counter terrorism and anti-riot commandoes had been effectively trained.

Kayihura further said several police commanders in Buganda region had been carefully handpicked for a special commanders’ course.

In short, Museveni got assurance that his men were ready to fully crush an internal insurrection.

MUZOORA SNEAKS IN

However, Museveni’s right-hand men were not aware of a plan to use a full force of former PRA fighters to stage a rebellion in Kampala.

The plan had been hatched in South Africa to re-organise scattered former rebels to pick up guns again. Col. Muzoora had alerted several army veterans in Uganda through emissaries to start preparing for a huge war against Museveni.

So the arrival of Col. Muzoora marked the first phase of a grand plan of exploiting large scale riots across the country to stage a popular uprising.

Muzoora was courted and massaged by FDC leaders. He dined with them, especially those from western Uganda. Several meetings were held in Hoima, Ibanda, Kasese, Entebbe and Mbale. Only Col. Kizza Besigye’s most trusted men attended.

4 factors

FDC and Muzoora planned to materialise their plans on four factors:

One was war-mongering. According to a military source, Besigye had moved from village to village making it a point that “Ugandans would resort to war to determine their own destiny once elections were rigged.”

Shortly after nomination Besigye told a mammoth crowd at Nakivubo Stadium in Kampala that he would never return to court if Museveni rigged elections. “I will take the matter to the public court,” he said. In a talk show at Kfm radio, when asked whether he would stand for President in 2016, Besigye said: “We cannot talk of 2016 before resolving 2011.” All these statements were perceived as drumming up public support for war.

The second factor was the North Africa uprising. Tunisia’s Ben Ali and Egypt’s Hosni Mubarak had been overthrown by people’s revolutions. Col. Muammar Gaddafi was still on tenterhooks. FDC and Muzoora hoped to benefit from this wind, especially if Gaddafi had been brought down.

The third factor was the anger among Besigye’s supporters who thought their candidate had been cheated. The unemployed youth would be instigated to participate in the revolution.

The fourth factor was the international community support. After siding with people in Libya, Egypt and Tunisia, FDC and Muzoora thought donor community would order fresh elections if they sustained a bloody revolution in Uganda.

In 2009, Maj. Gen. Mugisha Muntu told Col. Besigye in a meeting at his office in Najjanankumbi that “if we manage to mobilise 100,000 youths ready to die on Kampala streets, Museveni would be forced to go, either by international community or people.”

GUNS IN RWENZORI

Muzoora had arrived in Uganda for two purposes. To mobilise arms and weigh the strength of his ‘army’ that would counter Special Forces on Kampala streets.

On reaching Kampala, Muzoora met former PRA rebels. They showed desire and determination to pick guns against Museveni.

Muzoora then telephoned Rwanda Government officials for logistics to overthrow Museveni. However, the Kigali officials blasted Muzoora, saying they could not compromise their relationship with Kampala. At that time, Kagame’s kids had just returned to Kigali after a short holiday with Museveni at Entebbe State House. Muhoozi was in regular contact with Kagame, cracking jokes.

There is information that someone promised Muzoora arms in mountainous areas of Elgon and Rwenzori. This investigator later learnt that arms were never found.

Nevertheless, source says after being assured of what was termed as ‘ebyoma’ (guns), Muzoora retreated to Tanzania for other meetings. The codename of the revolution was ‘agenda’.

DARK CLOUDS GATHER

Here in Uganda, meetings got under way. Several commanders were to take charge of four regions of the country.

The plot to overthrow Museveni gained momentum in March since no security official had gotten wind about it. Then ISO boss Amos Mukumbi was enjoying wine at Sheraton when leaflets calling for war were being circulated in Kampala.

One of them carried a message: “A thunder-like explosion will hit Kampala anytime from now. Our commandoes will storm the city and capture it. Ugandans, get prepared.” Security deployed hundreds to arrest a single distributor of the leaflets in vain. Kampala Metropolitan Police Spokesperson Ibin Ssenkumbi confirmed the development.

A security official told this investigator that the leaflets carried messages of war propaganda. Information started leaking to security that Col. Muzoora’s plan was to bomb critical bridges near Kampala like Katonga to block reinforcement of UPDF to quell the city revolution. It’s not clear what the planners had in mind given that Special Forces have a well-trained team of paratroopers who would be brought in using military helicopters.

THE MIRACLE THAT NEVER WORKED

So on his return from Tanzania (around May 2), Muzoora was ready to end Museveni’s presidency. He stayed around for a couple of weeks hunting for arms. It’s said he never found even a single bullet in Elgon and Rwenzori as promised by collaborators. Rwanda had shunned him.

Therefore as he roamed around the country, stress, frustration and betrayal left his body weakened. His morale had evaporated. Muzoora’s rebels kept pressing him for ‘ebyoma’ which he could not produce.

On May 23, Muzoora who was an HIV/AIDS victim, started succumbing slowly to the virus. FDC officials brought him ARVs which he turned down. It’s not clear whether it was because of frustration that he never wanted to save his life. He had a chance to live for days had he taken the ARVs. On that evening, Muzoora’s health worsened.

He was shifted from Kampala to Bushenyi at the home of the district FDC boss William Mukaira.

Muzoora told Mukaira to quickly summon his son, a student at Uganda Christian University, Mukono.

On May 24, Mukaira telephoned the student to rush to Bushenyi for an urgent meeting with his father who was then bed-ridden. The student did not hesitate. In fact on reaching Bushenyi, Mukaira quickly took the boy to check on his father.

Muzoora told his son a few words before slipping into coma: “Never work for this government of Museveni. It has committed many atrocities. Never.”

Muzoora offered his laptop to his son as souvenir.

In the afternoon of May 24, doctor Margaret Kasande was called from Ibanda to treat Muzoora. The experienced doctor found Muzoora in coma. Meningitis had shattered the Colonel’s body defense systems.

On May 25, Muzoora passed away.

FDC was split on how to handle his body. Some suggested his body be secretly buried to avoid security investigations since he was one of Uganda’s most wanted rebels after ADF’s Jamil Mukulu. However, family members refused, saying he was a ‘national hero who deserved a decent burial at his home in Nyanga, Kyeigombe, Bushenyi.’

A plan was subsequently hatched to dump the body at his gate and claim government had killed him.

On learning about the matter, Museveni swiftly summoned security chiefs to Entebbe State House. He grilled them for three hours on how a fugitive would drink milk tea from Kampala Road, a burger at Nandos and a beer at Kisementi bar without being detected.

He ordered Kayihura to get to the bottom of the matter. Several collaborators were subsequently arrested. The faint-hearted narrated the ordeal to security for pardon why the radicals opted to rot in jail.

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